Friday, 9 March 2012

Dignity in Dying: The first chance for MPs to discuss the laws on euthanasia


On the 27th March Parliament will debate the Director of Public Prosecutions’ Guidelines on Assisted Suicide.
The current law offers no clarity to those wishing to help end the life of a terminally ill loved one, as decisions differ in harshness from judge to judge. 
Please urge your local MP to attend this vital vote and to support a flexible approach to those who compassionately assist a suffering partner or relative.  
The pressure group Dignity in Dying have issued a simple to understand question and answer page about the guidelines and what it means to those suffering at the hands of existing euthanasia laws in Britain.  
On July 4th, members plan to lobby MPs by meeting politicians in Parliament and raising awareness of the issue. The organisation is encouraging members of the public to come along and talk to decision makers, bumping up the matter in the government's agenda. 
You can register to take part here on the Dignity in Dying website.

Thursday, 8 March 2012

Happy International Women's Day!

Society has come a long way, but we haven't reached total social equality just yet. 
Women have access to birth control, legal rights, enfranchisement, and increased opportunities in the workplace; in some cases, groups of young women have surpassed young men as earners. 
However, equality is not just achieved by encouraging women to break into the workplace (although this is still a contentious issue). The next problem we face is removing the stigma attached to specific gender roles so that everybody can follow a career path, in the household or workplace, regardless of biological sex. 
I know many men who are naturally paternal, but would never choose to be the more domesticated partner in their relationship. Despite being organised, caring, and nurturing enough to fill the role perfectly, none even see it as an option. Not because of lack of desire, but because of the criticism leveled at "stay-at-home" dads.  
In contrast, women who decide to stay at home are championed by gimmick-laden supermarket adverts and Card Factory-backed festivals. "That's why mums go to Iceland" states a new child-bearing celebrity each month. "Mums are great" according to Persil, on account of a woman-with-child's ability to remove stains from a viscose/cotton blend school shirt. 
This might seem positive, but it isn't. 
The lack of male presence is worrying. It is sending out an insulting message to our young people.
The message? Full-time parenting is good enough for women but not good enough for any self-respecting man.
This is because caring for a young child and maintaining a household is not seen as a worthy task in its own right, but commendable only by a woman's standards. 
A woman is seen as powerful if she rises to a man's job because she has surpassed herself. Yet, being a house-parent, which contributes to the economy in unimaginable ways, is beneath any self respecting male. 
This attitude is dictating how people live their lives; it affects us all. It means that society is filled with males and females acting on expectations rather than acting on individual personalities and desires.
Our society will be healthy and organic only when the boardroom is filled exclusively with people who want to be there, and the home is inhabited exclusively by the parents who want to be there.
Gender, on both accounts, should contribute towards nothing. 
Happy International Women's Day everybody. Let's hope we progress a little more each year.
"International Women's Day" lino cut, by Carlos Barberena

Wednesday, 21 December 2011

Reframing the tuition fee debate

The tuition fee debate has been framed like a binary war, a battle between fiscal rationality vs. pie-in-the-sky thinking.
While the conflict rages on, the economic justification behind free education has not been fully explained by much of the media, allowing the pro-fee militia to recruit the "fiscally-minded" under false pretenses.
For example, most believe that subsidizing higher education for those bright enough to achieve it is a crazy idea championed solely by adolescents in Che Guevara merchandise and retired left-leaning professors and eccentrics. However, the argument is much more compelling than the Right give it credit for.
University graduates are given little recognition for what they give back to the economy. And they give back a lot more. In fact, the average private return on a college/university education is 22 percent in most developed countries.
That is a higher return than most investments in stocks and bonds.
Another point skipped over by commentators is the importance of knowledge as a non-financial asset.
The most important phrase in a fee-fighter's arsenal should be the sorely ignored "human capital".
Human capital is the stock competence, knowledge, and experience of a nation. Many of the most respected economists throughout history, such as Adam Smith, have proved the economic benefits and social necessity of steadily increasing human capital.
Surges in human capital help not just developing nations but also westernized societies such as Britain. It has been proven that an increase in human capital heightens a country's productivity, increases market liquidity in the long run, and contributes towards higher GDP.
In the words of esteemed economist John Maynard Keynes:
"Human capital will survive for decades, even during catastrophic conflicts. It took seven decades of autocratic dictatorship to thoroughly destroy the human capital in the Soviet Union."
(The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money, 1936)
Furthermore, the class aspect of the debate is often given little or no thought.
Many still believe that too many are going to university, making degrees meaningless to those who work hard. This argument is valid, but not in relation to tuition fees.
A belief in less people going to university is only fair if you can justify the allocation of places academically, not by allowing a massive section of society to fall through the net, regardless of their achievements.
Those hellbent on making degrees less obtainable may want stricter academic criteria introduced to get into university.
However, those who believe in deterring young people from getting an education, simply because of their class, consign to a separate ideology altogether.
Some also argue that tuition fees will successfully root out potential under grads who don't feel passionately enough to take a financial "risk" with their course. However, this is grossly unfair when it is only the working classes being forced to consider it.
It opens a moral can of worms: Why should a working class child have to be so much more confident academically and as a person, compared to an upper class child who has nothing to lose from the same "gamble"?
People from bad backgrounds often have more than themselves to think about; they have relatives, struggling siblings, parents, who will need financial support to improve their living standards.
Young people in those situations may feel it selfish to pursue a degree of interest, later to be burdened with debt, when climbing a career ladder from the bottom seems like a pursuit with a definite outcome. People with this dilemma will often make decisions based on the severity of their circumstance, not on passion alone.
Young people from hard backgrounds can also struggle even after attaining a university place, with over 1 in 4 university drop-outs citing "financial stress" as a reason.
To say the New Right and Neo-Liberals et al, have a loose argument would be untrue, the idea that a government should cut spending when times are tough is a very popular one, as we can see from the countless speeches made by Tory and Labour MPs alike, at times opportune to each respectively.
But given the proven long-term economic benefits of educating the nation, subsidizing a young person's right to learn is not "reckless" spending.
Rather, a bigger risk would be to let the educational gap widen and jeopardise the future of the market and the well-being of the country.
The media and those in Westminster have attatched a stigma to spending when that same stigma could just as easily be attached to the prospect of a society with low human capital. Both arguments hold just as much weight, depending on your monetarist stance, so why is the tuition fee debate painted in black and white?
For example, most believe that subsidizing higher education for those bright enough to achieve it is a crazy idea championed solely by adolescents in Che Guevara merchandise and retired left-leaning professors and eccentrics. However, the argument is much more compelling than the Right give it credit for.
University graduates are given little recognition for what they give back to the economy. And they give back a lot more. In fact, the average private return on a college/university education is 22 percent in most developed countries.
That is a higher return than most investments in stocks and bonds.
Another point skipped over by commentators is the importance of knowledge as a non-financial asset.
The most important phrase in a fee-fighter's arsenal should be the sorely ignored "human capital".
Human capital is the stock competence, knowledge, and experience of a nation. Many of the most respected economists throughout history, such as Adam Smith, have proved the economic benefits and social necessity of steadily increasing human capital.
Surges in human capital help not just developing nations but also westernized societies such as Britain. It has been proven that an increase in human capital heightens a country's productivity, increases market liquidity in the long run, and contributes towards higher GDP.
In the words of esteemed economist John Maynard Keynes:
"Human capital will survive for decades, even during catastrophic conflicts. It took seven decades of autocratic dictatorship to thoroughly destroy the human capital in the Soviet Union."
(The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money, 1936)
Furthermore, the class aspect of the debate is often given little or no thought.
Many still believe that too many are going to university, making degrees meaningless to those who work hard. This argument is valid, but not in relation to tuition fees.
A belief in less people going to university is only fair if you can justify the allocation of places academically, not by allowing a massive section of society to fall through the net, regardless of their achievements.
Those hellbent on making degrees less obtainable may want stricter academic criteria introduced to get into university.
However, those who believe in deterring young people from getting an education, simply because of their class, consign to a separate ideology altogether.
Some also argue that tuition fees will successfully root out potential under grads who don't feel passionately enough to take a financial "risk" with their course. However, this is grossly unfair when it is only the working classes being forced to consider it.
It opens a moral can of worms: Why should a working class child have to be so much more confident academically and as a person, compared to an upper class child who has nothing to lose from the same "gamble"?
People from bad backgrounds often have more than themselves to think about; they have relatives, struggling siblings, parents, who will need financial support to improve their living standards.
Young people in those situations may feel it selfish to pursue a degree of interest, later to be burdened with debt, when climbing a career ladder from the bottom seems like a pursuit with a definite outcome. People with this dilemma will often make decisions based on the severity of their circumstance, not on passion alone.
Young people from hard backgrounds can also struggle even after attaining a university place, with over 1 in 4 university drop-outs citing "financial stress" as a reason.
To say the New Right and Neo-Liberals et al, have a loose argument would be untrue, the idea that a government should cut spending when times are tough is a very popular one, as we can see from the countless speeches made by Tory and Labour MPs alike, at times opportune to each respectively.
But given the proven long-term economic benefits of educating the nation, subsidizing a young person's right to learn is not "reckless" spending.
Rather, a bigger risk would be to let the educational gap widen and jeopardise the future of the market and the well-being of the country.
The media and those in Westminster have attatched a stigma to spending when that same stigma could just as easily be attached to the prospect of a society with low human capital. Both arguments hold just as much weight, depending on your monetarist stance, so why is the tuition fee debate painted in black and white?
Furthermore, the class aspect of the debate is often given little or no thought.
Many still believe that too many are going to university, making degrees meaningless to those who work hard. This argument is valid, but not in relation to tuition fees.
A belief in less people going to university is only fair if you can justify the allocation of places academically, not by allowing a massive section of society to fall through the net, regardless of their achievements.
Those hellbent on making degrees less obtainable may want stricter academic criteria introduced to get into university.
However, those who believe in deterring young people from getting an education, simply because of their class, consign to a separate ideology altogether.
Some also argue that tuition fees will successfully root out potential under grads who don't feel passionately enough to take a financial "risk" with their course. However, this is grossly unfair when it is only the working classes being forced to consider it.
It opens a moral can of worms: Why should a working class child have to be so much more confident academically and as a person, compared to an upper class child who has nothing to lose from the same "gamble"?
People from bad backgrounds often have more than themselves to think about; they have relatives, struggling siblings, parents, who will need financial support to improve their living standards.
Young people in those situations may feel it selfish to pursue a degree of interest, later to be burdened with debt, when climbing a career ladder from the bottom seems like a pursuit with a definite outcome. People with this dilemma will often make decisions based on the severity of their circumstance, not on passion alone.
Young people from hard backgrounds can also struggle even after attaining a university place, with over 1 in 4 university drop-outs citing "financial stress" as a reason.
To say the New Right and Neo-Liberals et al, have a loose argument would be untrue, the idea that a government should cut spending when times are tough is a very popular one, as we can see from the countless speeches made by Tory and Labour MPs alike, at times opportune to each respectively.
But given the proven long-term economic benefits of educating the nation, subsidizing a young person's right to learn is not "reckless" spending.
Rather, a bigger risk would be to let the educational gap widen and jeopardise the future of the market and the well-being of the country.
The media and those in Westminster have attatched a stigma to spending when that same stigma could just as easily be attached to the prospect of a society with low human capital. Both arguments hold just as much weight, depending on your monetarist stance, so why is the tuition fee debate painted in black and white?